Foreign Affairs Magazine: How America’s War on Chinese Tech Backfired 《外交事務》雜誌：美國對中國科技的戰爭如何適得其反

Foreign Affairs Elites finally:
1) realize that  they have been playing checkers in a chess game
2) realize that they gave up a lucrative win-win relationship for win-lose relationship, where they are clearly the losing party
3) almost realize, but can’t quite articulate they were idiotic to assume innate US superiority in science & tech (since that superiority was powered by Chinese & immigrants)
4) realize that Biden’s actions brought about the opposite result and worry that if Trump continues the same strategy, they will be permanently scr*wed (strange how they couldn’t make this prediction under Biden).. 

How America’s War on Chinese Tech Backfired
And Why Trump’s Plans Would Make Things Even Worse
https://archive.ph/DkHMi#selection-1245.0-1249.50 (https://archive.ph/DkHMi#selection-1245.0-1249.50)

Ironically, the very restrictions meant to curb China’s technological progress have, in some areas, helped to spur it. China has seen improvements across multiple sectors, in terms of research and development, manufacturing output, and greater domestic content in exports. My own recent visits to Chinese electric vehicle battery firms and automakers revealed companies that have a clear sense of the global competitive landscape, strong capabilities in product and process innovation, and the financial resources to get ahead. The top representatives of foreign firms in China are upset with China’s discriminatory industrial policies, but they now consistently emphasize that their main challenge is a growing cohort of highly capable Chinese competitors.

But Washington has also placed restrictions on U.S. innovation that so far outweigh the good that has come from the investments. Export controls have reduced business opportunities for American semiconductor firms; less revenue means less investment in R & D and less innovation. Specific restrictions, coupled with the chilling effect produced by increased geopolitical tensions, have reduced opportunities and income for U.S. firms.

The U.S. Justice Department has placed restrictions on scholarly cooperation with China, causing the productivity of American science and technology scholars to drop. A high proportion of AI scientists in the United States hail from China; a decline in their numbers means a drop in innovation in the United States and more opportunities for others, including China, to step up. Washington has also imposed restrictions on Chinese students pursuing science and technology graduate degrees in the United States, depriving American universities of many highly talented students.

Although China’s emergence as a science and technology powerhouse is not simply the result of responding to Western pressure, tensions have likely accelerated its progress. As Chinese firms broaden their reach, U.S. technology will be less indispensable in some parts of the world.

Washington needs to set clear priorities, identifying the most urgent threats that deserve a response. Otherwise, the United States will be dragged into a game of whack-a-mole or, more worryingly, try to block all commercial ties with China. To the extent that the United States attempts to deny technologies to China, the only sustainable approach involves working with allies and other countries so that the United States will not be outflanked by China and lose technology leadership in the rest of the world. If the Trump administration pursues extensive decoupling from China, the result will most likely be an isolated, poorer, and weaker United States.